The Conservative rule for the 13-year period between 1951 and 1964 is probably largely the result of the economic prosperity that swept Europe during the same period, and the need for a socialist Labor Party has equally managed to radiate as the lower classes become consumers of the middle class. There is debate, however, whether simply the public idea of ​​ending the austerity that had plagued the country after the war led to Conservative dominance rather than the strength of the Conservative leadership or Labour's clear disunity. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an Original EssayEconomic growth across the nation, mirrored in Europe, is indisputable. The sense of a "golden age" was felt by many when wages rose from just £8.30 in 1951 to £15.35 in 1961, an increase of almost 100% which allowed the Conservative Party to introduce policies which marked an end to austerity measures, such as ending red meat rationing and maintaining a pledge to build 300,000 homes a year. As such, the Conservative Party, due to economic success, has been able to continue to provide and often augment the political elements of Atlee's legacy, known today as the Post-War Consensus, to provide a welfare state with social peace . As a result, the Conservative Party was able to distance itself from Churchill's 1945 rhetoric which laughed at the welfare state and effectively diminished the purpose of the Labor Party as it now accepted the work of the Labor Government first. This, combined with the rise of the middle class, again due to the growth of the economy, meant that Labor's socialist agenda felt out of reach. Furthermore, the Conservative government even went so far as to introduce the NEDC, an agency designed to allow government intervention in the economy through the regulation of wages and income, suggesting that there was real acceptance for a planned economy. It is claimed; however, these economic policies were slowing, causing stagflation problems as demand-pull inflation, which occurs when consumers have more to spend so demand increases, was driving up prices while growth slowed to half that of other European nations at that time. Despite this, the electorate only became aware of these problems later, as their standard of living continued to improve and the government managed to successfully carry out budgetary policy, economically pandering to voters who were less willing to vote for them just before the elections. As such, it seems clear that Conservative dominance is largely due to the greater prosperity experienced by people, in contrast to years of austerity, which have created a political climate with no room for drastic, socialist change. At the same time, Labor was arguably so divided their place on the political map, due to the Conservatives' acceptance of Atlee's legacy, they were unsuitable as an alternative. Divisions ranged from accepting unilateralist nuclear disarmament, whether to raise the welfare state beyond the Beveridge Report and, finally, whether Labor should embrace socialism or act as a more centrist party. Gaitskell often sided with the latter, the name Butskellism linking the Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer with the Labor leader, while Bevan, a Welsh Labor member, attempted to drag the party to the left. The gap can be traced to a difference in the interpretation of clause 4 of the party's constitution.